Britain should focus on earning Donald Trump’s respect, not seeking his affection.
Britain should focus on earning Donald Trump's respect, not seeking his affection.
Britain’s Brexiteer elite and their scramble to cozy up to Donald Trump
The urgency with which Britain’s Brexiteer elite has scrambled to cozy up to Donald Trump in the weeks leading up to his inauguration has been something to behold. From Nigel Farage to Michael Gove, the UK’s prominent figures have been keen on establishing a connection with the president-elect. The British Prime Minister, Theresa May, has not been immune to this trend either, with her government even boycotting the Middle East peace conference in favor of currying Mr. Trump’s favor.
These efforts stem from the belief that the special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom can help bind Trump into the rules-based global order, guiding him towards sensible positions on issues like NATO and Russia. However, there is a risk that Britain’s leaders may be going beyond engagement and realpolitik to something more craven – a knee-jerk sycophancy.
Mr. Trump’s priorities are not complicated, and the idea that he will prioritize a favorable trade deal with Britain may be wishful thinking. In fact, Britain is not America’s most important trade partner, and its surplus relationship with the United States puts it in a similar practical position as Germany and China, both of which have been the targets of Trump’s protectionist rhetoric. Additionally, Mr. Trump’s world is one of muscular conflicts of interest, where being desperate or overly accommodating can actually diminish one’s influence. This begs the question: could Britain’s fawning establishment inadvertently make Mr. Trump less accommodating in the long term?
The potential disadvantages of clinging to Trump may outweigh the advantages. Unchallenged, he appears inclined to threaten many of the hardest-won achievements of recent British foreign policy, such as EU unity, NATO strength, climate-change accords, and international agreements like the nuclear deal with Iran. Cheering on or turning a blind eye to such vandalism would be short-sighted, causing diplomatic and economic damage that could far outlast Trump’s presidency.
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It is crucial for Mrs. May to engage with Trump, but not at the cost of compromising Britain’s interests. She should establish red lines and clarify the principles by which she intends to conduct the partnership. Germany’s response to the election result, emphasizing cooperation “on the basis of common values”, serves as a model for the kind of conditional friendship London should seek. Mr. Trump does not do long-term alliances or sentimental friendships; he operates in a transactional world where respect is paramount.
London should aim for a partnership with the new president that is based on mutual respect and serves the long-term interests of both countries. Mrs. May’s upcoming visit to Washington, D.C. provides an opportunity to assert these principles while engaging in cautious diplomacy. Britain must avoid the temptation of becoming Europe’s answer to Chris Christie and instead play a measured role in the transatlantic relationship.
Overall, while the immediate benefits of cozying up to Trump may seem enticing, the risks and long-term consequences must be carefully considered. The United Kingdom should seek a balanced and principled approach to engaging with the controversial president. The rapport between these two countries should be built on shared interests and values, rather than blind sycophancy.
