New party needed if Labour doesn’t support Remain voters
New party needed if Labour doesn't support Remain voters
A New Political Landscape Emerging after Brexit
The aftermath of the Brexit referendum has left the British political landscape dramatically altered. Only a week after 37% of eligible voters supported leaving the EU, the Conservative leadership contest finds itself in the hands of staunch Eurosceptics. Boris Johnson’s unexpected exit from the race has paved the way for a choice between candidates who advocate for total withdrawal from the European single market and a complete end to free movement.
Michael Gove, one of the contenders, made it clear during his campaign launch that he supports a complete withdrawal from the single market. Theresa May, on the other hand, emphasized the importance of maintaining access to the market but also hinted at using the rights of EU citizens already in Britain as bargaining chips during negotiations. Stephen Crabb, despite his modernizing approach, shares a similar stance to May. Liam Fox is a veteran anti-European, and Andrea Leadsom, who may end up in the final two candidates, aligns herself with the Eurosceptic right and has received the endorsement of Leave.eu, one of the two pro-Brexit campaigns.
In the opposing party, Labour, Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell could face a leadership challenge. While that challenge may be imminent, there is also a possibility that they could prevail. Neither Corbyn nor McDonnell seem to disagree with May’s assertion that “Brexit means Brexit” or her insistence on implementing tighter immigration controls. In fact, Mr. McDonnell explicitly stated in a recent speech that free movement will now come to an end.
However, it is important to acknowledge the millions of voters who supported remaining in the EU. This includes a majority of Britons aged 35-44, the majority of Northern Irish voters, a majority of Londoners, a majority of Scots, a majority of those aged 25-34, a majority of Asian voters, a majority of 18-24 year-olds, and even large minorities from other demographics. Additionally, there are approximately 1.1 million Leave voters who now regret their decision, as well as an untold number of Britons living abroad who were unable to participate in the referendum.
These voices make up what can be referred to as “the 48%”. This diverse coalition includes big-city dwellers, Millennials, globe-trotters, university students, European immigrants, and their children. It also encompasses the more ordinary members of society, who recognize the interdependence between Britain and the rest of the world. As one letter to the Financial Times eloquently put it, “We are lecturers, nurses, systems analysts, and engineers. We are the civil service. We run small businesses. We work for large, foreign-owned companies. We aren’t in charge, but we are the backbone of the country.” This coalition exists not because they voted for personal interests, but because they genuinely believe that interdependence is a positive aspect of today’s globalized world.
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The vote to remain in the EU was a rejection of the lies propagated by the Leave campaigns, often supported by a majority of the British press, which promised the benefits of EU membership without the obligations. However, the likelihood of Britain securing a Norway-style deal to maintain economic benefits, freedom of movement, and access to the single market is diminishing. Mainstream figures in both major parties have been reluctant to consider reopening the Brexit debate, despite the disparity between the idealized vision of Brexit and the potential reality. Yet, to categorically deny the possibility of reconsideration seems short-sighted.
Apart from the transactional costs of leaving the EU, there is also a concerning shift in the country’s political character. Anti-immigration sentiments are hardening into a new common sense, and other European nations are increasingly seen as negotiating opponents rather than allies. The recent surge in xenophobic attacks following the referendum did not arise in isolation. It reflects a growing concern among Britons about the direction their country is heading.
However, those who rejected Brexit are not entirely voiceless. The Liberal Democrats, under the leadership of Tim Farron, have committed to running in the next election on a pro-EU platform and have gained 10,000 new members as a result. The Scottish National Party, led by Nicola Sturgeon, is also fighting to ensure that Scotland’s vote to remain is respected. Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, is lobbying to protect the capital’s access to the single market. Though these efforts are commendable, it remains uncertain whether they are sufficient to counterbalance the influence of the new Eurosceptic establishment.
The best hope for the 48%ers may lie within the Labour party itself. If Jeremy Corbyn can be forced out, there is an opportunity for a new, moderate, pro-European leadership to reorient the party. Such a leader could attract liberal Tory voters who are dissatisfied with Theresa May or Andrea Leadsom, challenge the prime minister to negotiate in the best interests of an open and prosperous Britain, and even raise the possibility of revisiting the Brexit decision should circumstances change significantly.
However, if Labour fails to provide a new pro-European centrist voice, there may be a necessity for a new political party. This could potentially emerge as a splinter group from Labour, or even from the Conservative party where the One Nation faction lacks enthusiasm for the new leadership candidates. Alternatively, a completely new party dedicated to keeping Britain open, tolerant, and closely connected to Europe may be the answer.
While some may raise objections, drawing comparisons to the ill-fated Social Democratic Party (SDP) of 1981, the current political climate is vastly different. The Brexit referendum has energized parts of the electorate to an extent not seen in previous events. Over four million Britons signed a petition calling for a new referendum, and thousands marched in London to show their support for Europe. Moreover, politics today moves at a faster and more insurgent-friendly pace. If the SDP, in 1983, came within a tantalizing 2.2 points of securing second-party status, then a fresh political start-up, better equipped and fueled by unprecedented anger and dismay, may have a stronger chance at success.
Therefore, it is worth considering the feasibility of such a party. Would you support such an initiative? If so, how could it be established, and what should be its explicit goals? With politics evolving at an accelerated pace, the opportunity to forge something positive out of the chaos may very well be within reach. The void in the liberal center of British politics is waiting to be filled.